Наследие Рима. Том 1. Oт Византии дo Кордовского Халифата и Османскoй империи - Нурлан Аманович Наматов

668

For frontier culture in the Ottoman context, see Köprülü, The Emergence of the Ottoman State; Paul Wittek, The Rise of The Ottoman Empire, London, 1965; Đnalcık, “Osmanlı Tarihi’ne Toplu Bir Bakış”, pp. 45–48.

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Most of these poets are afifliated to Hurufism and to the Bektashi Order in some way or another. Among them Hayretî (d. 1535), Usûlî (d. 1538), and Hayâlî (d. 1557) must be mentioned here. Especially Hayâlî, whose Shi’ite and Hurūfī afifliation is clearly seen in his poems, can be deemed a spokesman of the protest of the periphery against centralizing state. His verse “Ne Süleyman’a esirüz ne Selimün kuluyuz / Kimse bilmez bizi bir Şah-ı kerimün kuluyuz.” is famous. See Hayretî, Hayretî Divanı, haz. Mehmed Çavuşoğlu-Ali Tanyeri, Istanbul: Istanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Yayınları, 1981, p. 219. For further reading on the culture and literature proliferated under akıncı patronage, see Michael Kiel, Yenice-i Vardar (Vardar Yenicesi-Giannitsa). A Forgotten Turkish Cultural Centre in Macedonia of the 15thand 16thCentury, Leiden: Studia Byzantina et Neohellenica Neerlendica III, 1971; Hayâlî, Hayâlî Bey Divanı, haz. Ali Nihat Tarlan, Istanbul: Đstanbul Üniversitesi Yayınları, 1945; Mehmet Çavuşoğlu, Hayâlî Bey ve Divanı’ndan Örnekler, Ankara: KTBY, 1987; Cemal Kurnaz, Hayâlî Bey Divanı’nın Tahlili, Ankara: KTBY, 1987; Mustafa Đsen, haz., Künhü’l-ahbâr’ın Tezkire Kısmı, Ankara: Atatürk Kültür Merkezi Yayınları, 1994; “Akıncılığın Türk Kültür ve Edebiyatına Katkıları”, Türkiye Günlüğü, 49, 1998, 88–96; Ötelerden Bir Ses, Ankara: Akçağ Yayınları, 1997; Filiz Kılıç, Meşâi’rü’ş-Şu’arâ I–II, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Gazi Üniversitesi, Ankara, 1994; Kınalı-zâde Hasan Çelebi, Tezkiretü’ş-şuarâ, 2 vols., haz. Đbrahim Kutluk, Ankara: TTK, 1989; Latîfî, Latîfî Tezkiresi, haz., Mustafa Isen, Ankara: KBY, 1990; Usûlî, Usûlî Divanı, haz. Mustafa Isen, Ankara: Akçağ Yayınları, 1990; Mustafa Tatçı, Hayretî’nin Dinî-Tasavvufî Dünyası, Istanbul: Horasan Yayınları, 2006; Hiclâl Demir, Çağlarını Eleştiren Dîvan Şairleri: Hayretî – Usûlî – Hayâlî, Unpublished MA Thesis, Bilkent University, Ankara, 2001.

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See, for example, “The Shahkulu Rebellion” in this study. For the revolt of Şeyh Bedreddin see Michel Balivet, Islam mystique et révolution armée dans les Balkans Ottomans vie du Cheikh Bedreddin le «Hallâj des Turcs «(1358/1359–1416), Istanbul: ISIS Press, 1995; Abdülbâki Gölpınarlı (with a foreword by Đsmet Sungurbey), Simavna Kadısıoğlu Şeyh Bedreddin, Đstanbul: Eti Yayınevi, 1966; Ahmet Yaşar Ocak, Zındıklar ve Mülhitler, pp. 136–202; Müfid Yüksel, Simavna Kadısıoğlu Şeyh Bedreddin, Đstanbul: Bakış, 2002. In the latter work, however, one would realize the effort of the author to tune down the unorthodox aspects of the revolt and of Shaykh Bedreddin’s religious identity.

671

See, for example, Irène Beldiceanu-Steinherr, “Le règne de Selim Ier: tournant dans la vie politique et religieuse de l’empire ottoman”, p. 41. For a recent study on the sponsorship of great akıncı families to the shrine of Hacı Bektaş and sociopolitical motives behind this sponsorship see E. Zeynep Yürekli-Görkay, Legend and Architecture in the Ottoman Empire: The Shrines of Seyyid Gāzi and Hacı Bektaş, Unpublished PhD. thesis, Harvard University, 2005, especially pp. 174–191.

672

See Yürekli-Görkay, pp. 263–166.

673

Beldiceanu-Steinherr, “Le règne de Selim Ier: tournant dans la vie politique et religieuse de l’empire ottoman”, p. 42. Also consider Bacqué-Grammont, “Un rapport inédit sur la révolte anatolienne de 1527”, pp. 156–157.

674

Следы различных характеристик этих двух протестных движений можно наблюдать в бекташимах и алевитах, причем первое распространяется в основном на Балканах, а второе является в основном продуктом анатолийских кызылбашей.

675

APZ, pp. 142, 143, 168, 169, 188, 224. Aşıkpaşazāde uses the term clearly for nomadic Turkish tribes (that is referred to throughout this study as ‘Turkoman’). In one occasion, for example, he narrates how Yörgüç Pasha, the tutor (lala) of Murad II, punished a nomadic group called ‘Kızılkoca Oğlanlarınun Türkmanları’ in Amasya-Tokat region, for the latter used to plunder the settled subjects. See APZ, pp. 168–169. The word ‘Türkmen’ is nothing but a derivation of ‘Türk’, in which the sufifx “men” intensifies the meaning, which might be understood as ‘hundred percent ‘Türk’. (See V. Minorsky, “The Middle East in the 13th, 15th, and 17th Centuries”, JRCAS, 27, 1940, p. 439.) The origin of the term might be traced back to the second half of the tenth century. For further reading on the origin and meaning of “Türkmen” see Ibrahim Kafesoğlu, “A propos du nom Türkmen”, Oriens, vol. 11, no 1/2, 1958, 146–50; “Türkmen adı, manası ve mahiyeti”, J. Deny Armağanı, Ankara, 1958, 121–133. Kafesoğlu revises Köprülü’s view, which says, principally basing on Divan-i Lügat-i Türk, that the branch of Oğuz tribes who converted to Islam were called Türkmen. (Türk Edebiyatında Ilk Mutasavvıflar, Istanbul, 1919, p. 152). По его мнению, использование этого слова восходит к более древним временам, в основном происходящим от «Кек-Тюрк». Кафесоглу видит смысловую связь между двумя словами. Слово «тюркмен» состоит из двух частей: «тюрк» и суффикса «мэн», усиливающего значение основного слова. Таким образом, «тюркмен» означает чистый, благородный и настоящий тюрк. Что же касается слова «Кек-Тюрк», то у нас опять две части: прилагательное «Кек», определяющее основное слово «Тюрк». «Кек» в переводе с турецкого означает «небо». Тем не менее, оно также имеет коннотации благородного, великого и универсального. На эту тему также см. Halil Inalcık, “The Yürüks: Their Origins, Expansions and Economic Role”, in his The Middle East and the Balkans under the Ottoman Empire. Essays on Economy and Society, Bloomington: Indiana University Turkish Studies and Turkish Ministry of Culture Joint Series Volume 9, 1993, pp. 97–103; Louis Basin, “Notes sur les mots ‘Oğuz’ et ‘Türk’”, Oriens, vol. 6, no. 2, 1953, рр. 315–322.

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See Halil Inalcık, “The Yürüks”, p. 102. For further reading on the word ‘Yörük’ or ‘Yürük’, see Faruk Sümer, “XI. Asırda Anadolu, Suriye ve Irak’da Yaşayan Türk Aşiretlerine Umumī Bir Bakış”, Đktisat Fakültesi Mecmuası, 11, Istanbul, 1949– 50, pp. 518–522.

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The book was obviously written in the aim of explaining how to behave on